The Rothschild’s South Sudan Oil Grab

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By Dean HENDERSON, LEFT HOOK

On July 9, 2011 South Sudan became the world’s 193rd nation. Less than a week later violence has erupted in South Kordofan, an area on the new border between Sudan and South Sudan which is controlled by Sudan and rich in oil. Not content with the seizure of South Sudan’s oilfields, the Rothschild-led Eight Families banking cartel looks set to push the new border further north, grabbing yet more crude oil from the Sudan ese people.

For decades Western intelligence agencies backed the Sudanese People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) in an attempt to lop off the southern half of Sudan for the Four Horsemen of Oil. The region contains 75% of Sudan’s oil reserves. What became Africa’s longest running civil war finally came to an end when Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir was pressured into ceding the southern part of his country to the IMF/World Bank vampires after the conflict they created left more than 2 million people dead. [1]

Within days of declaring itself a sovereign nation, South Sudan’s state oil company, Nilepet formed a joint venture with Glencore International Plc to market its oil. Glencore is controlled by the Rothschilds. The PetroNile joint venture will be 51 percent controlled by Nilepet and 49 percent by Glencore. [2]

On Friday South Sudan’s new President Salva Kiir Mayardit signed a law formally establishing the Central Bank of South Sudan. Sudan is one of five countries – along with Cuba, North Korea, Syria and Iran – whose central bank is not under the control of the Rothschild-led Eight Families central banking cartel. It is therefore no coincidence that the currency of this newest Rothschild oil fiefdom is called the South Sudan Pound. [3]

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Mineral Resources Are Behind U.S. Interest in Africa

By Nile Bowie, The Intel Hub

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KUALA LUMPUR – As public interest in African affairs briefly found a place in mainstream talking points following a controversial viral video campaign about Ugandan rebel group, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), both the United States and the African Union are mobilizing military forces to Central Africa to counter further threats to civilian safety posed by the group.

Following the US deployment of one hundred military personnel to Uganda in 2011, the African Union has recently announced the deployment of a 5,000-solider brigade to LRA affected areas, tasked with pursuing the group and its leader, Joseph Kony. [1]

In the United States, a new bill co-authored by U.S. Representative Edward Royce has been introduced to the Congress calling for the further expansion of regional military forces into the nations of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Central African Republic and the newly formed South Sudan. [2]

Although the Lord’s Resistance Army has been accused of recruiting child soldiers and conducting crimes against humanity throughout its two-decade campaign for greater autonomy against the Ugandan government, the group is presently comprised of less than four hundred soldiers [3] and remains a questionable threat.

Meanwhile, China’s deepening economic engagement in Africa and its crucial role in developing the mining and industrial sectors of several nations is reportedly creating “deep nervousness” in the West, according to David Shinn, former US ambassador to Burkina Faso and Ethiopia. [4]

As the Obama administration claims to welcome the peaceful rise of China on the world stage, recent policy shifts toward an increased US military presence in several alleged LRA hotspots threaten deepening Chinese commercial activity in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, widely considered the world’s most resource rich nation. [5]

As China maintains a record of consistently strong economic performance, Washington is crusading against China’s export restrictions on minerals that are crucial components in the production of consumer electronics such as flat-screen televisions, smart phones, laptop batteries, and a host of other products.

As the United States, European Union and Japan project international pressure on the World Trade Organization and the World Bank to block financing for China’s extensive mining projects [6], US Secretary of State Hilary Clinton’s irresponsible accusations of China perpetuating a creeping “new colonialism” of the African continent remain rather telling. [7]

As China is predicted to formally emerge as the world’s largest economy in 2016 [8], the successful aggregation of African resources remains a key component to its ongoing rivalry with the United States.

[Editor’s note: China and the United States are also facing off in the Asia-Pacific region, especially over the South China Sea Dispute. China rightly points out that America has no right inserting itself into the territorial dispute, but the United States has ignored all of these statements. Instead of pulling back and letting the situation resolve itself, the United States has chosen sides and is now appearing to goad China.]

The villainous branding of Joseph Kony may well be deserved, however it cannot be overstated that the LRA threat is wholly misrepresented in recent pro-intervention US legislation.

The vast majority of LRA attacks have reportedly taken place in the northeastern Bangadi region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, located on the foot of a tri-border expanse between the Central African Republic and South Sudan.

However, the small number of deaths reported by official sources in recent times relies on unconfirmed reports where LRA activity is “presumed” and “suspected” [9].

Considering the Congo’s extreme instability after decades of foreign invasion, falsely crediting the LRA with the region’s longstanding cases of violence for political gain becomes relatively simple for those looking to gain enormous contracts for Congolese resources.

In a 2010 white paper entitled “Critical Raw Materials for the EU,” the European Commission cites the immediate need for reserve supplies of tantalum, cobalt, niobium, and tungsten among others [10]; the US Department of Energy 2010 white paper “Critical Mineral Strategy” also acknowledged the strategic importance of these key components. [11]

In 1980, Pentagon experts acknowledged dire shortages of cobalt, titanium, chromium, tantalum, beryllium, and nickel, eluding that rebel insurgencies in the Congo (referred to as Zaire) inflated the cost of such materials. [12]

Additionally, the US Congressional Budget Office’s 1982 report “Cobalt: Policy Options for a Strategic Mineral” notes that cobalt alloys are critical to the aerospace and weapons industries and that 64% of the world’s cobalt reserves lay in the Katanga Copper Belt, running from southeastern Congo into northern Zambia. [13]

During the Congo Wars of the 1996 to 2003, the United States provided training and arms to Tutsi Rwandan and Ugandan militias who later invaded the Congo’s mineral rich eastern provinces to pursue extremist Hutu militias following the Rwandan genocide.

Although over six million deaths were attributed to the conflict in the Congo [14], findings of the United Nations suggest that neighboring regimes in Ugandan, Rwanda and Burundi benefitted immensely from illegally harvested conflict minerals, later sold to various multinational corporations for use in consumer goods. [15]

The US defense industry relies on high quality metallic alloys indigenous to the region, used primarily in the construction of high-performance jet engines.

The sole piece of legislation authored by President Obama during his time as a Senator was S.B. 2125, the Democratic Republic of the Congo Relief, Security, and Democracy Promotion Act of 2006; Section 201(6) of the bill specifically calls for the protection of natural resources in the troubled regions of eastern Congo. [16]

The Congo maintains the second lowest GDP per capita despite having an estimated $24 trillion in untapped raw minerals deposits [17]; it holds more than 30% of the world’s diamond reserves [18] and 80% of the world’s coltan [19], the majority of which is exported to China for processing into electronic-grade tantalum powder and wiring. [20]

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Qatar buys General al-Dhabi’s resignation

Sudanese General al-Dhabi, considered until recently as the Darfur peace negotiator, has been targeted by an international smear campaign after the first daily reports by the Arab League monitors started to show that his Mission would not endorse the Atlanticist version of events in Syria.

However, Mohammed Ahmed Mustafa al-Dabi remained steadfast in the face of persistent pressure and, at the end of one month’s investigation, issued a summary report indicating that the Syrian security forces never opened fire on peaceful protest demonstrations.

Just as a new observation mission is being considered, this time jointly with the Arab League and the United Nations, Qatar escalated pressure on General al-Dhabi to get him to resign and leave the door open for a more accommodating personality.

Sheikh Hamad bin Jassem, Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Qatar, first offered him a compensation if he agreed to retire. The general refused. The Emir then told him by phone that every man has a price and that it was up to him to fix his own and sent him a blank check, asking him to fill in the amount. New refusal by the General. Continue reading